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were beaten publicly for the slightest offense.
Eventually the women of Kabul were se-
cluded in their homes, with windows covered
to keep them out of sight. Humanitarian aid
workers objected to a ban on women in hos-
pitals, threatening to leave ­ a withdrawal that
would cripple hospital care in Kabul, includ-
ing care for children. The Taliban's response
was to tell them to go.
The need to control defection provides a
possible explanation for this savagery. When
asked why the Taliban were willing to go to
such lengths to seclude women in Kabul, one
commander implied that the strictest possi-
ble prohibitions on women allowed him to
control his troops. The commander did not
explain how this worked, but our defection-
constraint argument can.
If the troops establish a reputation for cru-
elty to the local population, the option of
fraternizing and possibly defecting is severely
undermined. The more the local population
hates the soldiers, the less of a discipline
problem commanders would have in the cit-
ies, especially in the relatively cosmopolitan
city of Kabul.
This explanation has a parallel in the ap-
proach the Taliban apparently implemented
for controlling its local governors. It was not
uncommon among Afghan mujahi-
deen for factions and subfactions to
defect in return for some payment,
often by foreigners. The Taliban ap-
parently rotated local governors to the
battlefront or back to headquarters in
Kandahar if they showed signs of cre-
ating a local power base, which would
have allowed them the strength to
switch their allegiance. Conversely, governors
who were particularly despised by the local
population could remain longer.
objections
Mohammed Atta, the lead hijacker on 9/11,
was a former college student from a well-off
family. Osama bin Laden is a multimillion-
aire. [And Umar Abdulmutallab, the Nigerian
who attempted to bomb Northwest flight 253,
was the scion of a rich banker.] Isn't this evi-
dence against the club approach, which im-
plies that poor operatives are more likely to
be loyal than rich operatives, since the poor
one have worse outside options?
Finding individual terrorists with good
market alternatives does not refute what we
know about the rank and file of the organiza-
tions they belong to. And those individuals
tend to be in need of the material services
that clubs provide.
Another objection to my analysis is that
organizations such as Hamas and Hezbollah
provide services to non-members as well as
members. But those services are provided in a
highly discriminatory way, with core mem-
bers receiving more support than ordinary
members, who in turn receive more than
non-members ­ a tiered structure resembling
I
f the troops establish a reputation for cruelty to
the local population, the option of fraternizing and
possibly defecting is severely undermined.