oe e/ ge os ock agents in February 1949. Despite losing its charismatic founding leader and suffering fierce repression which included the arrest of four thousand members the Brotherhood again proved resilient, managing to retain the loyalty of members and of its constituency. hood to gain power. The Brotherhood demanded power sharing and was in- censed, among other things, over the brother attempted to assassinate Nasser. Or perhaps he was framed. Ei- ther way, Nasser emerged a hero and exploited the opportunity. He legally dissolved the Brotherhood, had six members hanged, imprisoned thousands, and launched a protracted campaign of arrest and torture that would last for a decade. ment had not. He nationalized the Brother- hood's social service provision network and operated it as part of the Egyptian govern- ment. That counterinsurgency strategy was singularly effective: without its schools and clinics the vast organization withered. To this day it has not recovered its political strength or organizational ability. hood newspaper. In prison, Qutb developed the extreme principles that became the basis the Western values of individualism, colonial- ism, capitalism and Marxism had not only failed, they were a symptom of jahiliyya the chaos that engulfed the world before the time of the prophet Mohammed. This reversion to pre-Islamic chaos had been brought on not of the will of the Almighty. abroad, and to establish Islamic states in their place. Qutb preached that, under the circum- stances, violent revolt was a religious duty, even against Muslim nationalists. He called on his followers to segregate Islamist commu- nities from the secular culture until that re- volt was feasible. Qutb's theories, as do most Muslims. Mus- lims generally interpret Islam as tolerant of other cultures, permitting violence only in self-defense and never in religious matters. |