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57
Second Quarter 2010
lower-wage workers might be offset by trans-
ferring a portion of the added costs to higher-
wage workers. But that could be accom-
plished only through higher taxes on earnings
at levels far below those that President Obama
has said he would consider in raising income
taxes. All told, then, the second scenario with
unchecked health inflation would lead to dis-
appointing productivity dividends for many
(perhaps most) workers.
The third scenario assumes that health in-
surance provided by employers will be ex-
panded to include all workers and their de-
pendents, but (presumably as a consequence
of increased demand for services) that annual
health inflation will accelerate considerably
to a rate six percentage points higher than the
pace of wage growth. This sort of acceleration
in health costs is consistent with the inflation
experienced in the aftermath of Medicare's
implementation.
Note that, in this third scenario, declines in
take-home pay occur virtually across the
earnings spectrum ­ but that lower-wage
workers are hit hardest.
The last scenario shown in the table as-
sumes that we have expanded employer-
based health insurance but realized no reduc-
tion in health inflation (as in the second
scenario) and that Congress raises payroll
taxes sufficiently to bring Social Security and
Medicare into fiscal balance. In essence, this
option assumes that policymakers will deliver
on the benefits assured by current law. The
consequence: wages would decline in the bot-
tom 40 percent of the earnings distribution,
and growth in wages would be meager for
other earnings deciles.
plight of our youth
If we do not throttle back excessive health in-
flation, many workers will have to live with
stagnant incomes in coming years in spite of
continuing productivity growth. And if health
care reform expands employment-based cov-
erage without tackling cost containment, the
wage issue will be that much more problem-
atic. Indeed, increased access without cost
containment is a recipe for middle-class dis-
content and increased social conflict.
While containment of medical inflation is
a necessary part of policy reform, it would
not be sufficient to allow current and future
workers to enjoy the full fruits of productivity
gains as long as we depend on payroll taxes to
cover the awesome gap between promises to
deliver full Social Security pensions and
Medicare benefits and system revenues under
current-law projections. Adding revenue
from another source ­ say income taxes or
value-added taxes ­ would take the pressure
off wages. But there's no magic here: raising
taxes rather than trimming benefits would af-
fect the living standards of those in a position
to pay taxes.
The Gordian knot that we have tied over
the past century with the expansion of our
health and retirement insurance schemes
cannot be untied by political rhetoric. But
since neither political party even seems pre-
pared to begin a frank discussion about the
link between workers' future pay and the de-
livery of medical care and public pensions, it
is likely that wage stagnation (or worse) will
remain the order of the day.
m
I
ncreased access without
cost containment is a
recipe for middle-class
discontent and increased
social conflict.