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14
The Milken Institute Review
reach developed-country living standards,
and a reading of the global record of the last
half-century suggests that international capi-
tal flows are fickle ­ that Brazil would do well
to generate a lot of that capital from domestic
savings.
Yet the country seems to be headed in the
other direction: Brazilians don't seem aware
that the savings rate must rise to meet the
ambitious spending plans of the government
without crowding out private investment.
Changing the perception that Brazil can
grow rapidly without sacrifice won't be easy.
For one thing, it flies in the face of recent ex-
perience: Brazil, after all, coasted through this
last recession on the strength of government-
induced consumption. For another, the focus
on the primary deficit as a measure of the
government's impact on aggregate demand is
becoming increasingly misleading. It has
been all too easy for policymakers ­ and the
public ­ to forget that the public sector is a
net drain on national savings.
In any event, it wouldn't be easy to alter the
government's fiscal stance, even if the need
were more widely understood. Brazil already
collects 36 percent of GDP in taxes ­ almost
double the percentage of Mexico and close to
the percentage raised by Europe's welfare
states. Indeed, higher taxes at this point might
undermine incentives for private investment
and kill the golden gosling. Of course, tax
hikes seem a political nonstarter: the public is
bitterly opposed.
The most plausible place to start on a
quest to raise domestic savings is the public
retirement system. It runs huge deficits, and
simply requiring it to keep revenues in line
with outlays would increase national savings
as a portion of GDP by 4 percentage points!
What's more, some cuts in outlays seem only
fair: on average, public-sector pensions are an
astounding 10 times larger than retirement
benefits in the private sector.
education as catalyst
If savings rates can't be raised, perhaps the re-
turn on public investment ­ in particular, on
investment in education ­ can. Brazil spends
a larger percentage of its income on educa-
tion than most other developing countries.
Yet its ranking in educational outcomes re-
mains at the lower end of the spectrum, even
among countries in Latin America. The coun-
try has managed impressive gains in primary
and secondary enrollment in recent decades,
but without a corresponding advance in qual-
ity. Equally important, Brazil needs to rework
its priorities within the public education bud-
get ­ priorities that now favor investment in
higher education over the provision of decent
schools for the masses.
* * *
Brazil's recent economic success has been
built on a foundation of paradoxes. The
economy is better governed today that it has
been in the past. A center-left government has
made great strides in correcting the injustices
that stranded millions of Brazilians on the
edge of subsistence in the midst of a culture
that celebrates material excess ­ and it has
managed that task so far without undermin-
ing the economy's stability or productivity.
Enduring evolutionary change in the 21st
century, under a democratic Nova República,
no longer seems an impossible dream.
It has become increasingly clear, however,
that Brazil's future prosperity won't come
cheaply. If it is to achieve European or East
Asian living standards, it will have to alter the
deeply engrained habit of consuming today at
the expense of producing more tomorrow.
And thus far, no government ­ conservative
or populist ­ seems prepared to ask for the
requisite sacrifices.
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